Plans for "Greater Albania" by 2015

Balkan Insight

"We [Albanians from south Serbia] are preparing to realise the idea of a greater Albania to be formed by 2013 or 2015 at the latest," Rexhepi, the vice president of the Presevo assembly, said on Tuesday.

Talks on such a project were held over the weekend in Tirana, where the List for Natural Albania was presented for the first time.  Rexhepi attended the meeting along with the mayor of Presevo, Ragmi Mustafa, and the leader of the Movement of Democratic Progress, Jonuz Musliu.

"I was in Tirana over the weekend to support the project and announce that my party [Albanian National Movement] will become part of the List [For Natural Albania] and take part in the next elections in Pre

sevo," Rexhepi said.

The List for Natural Albania includes the groups and individuals who support the idea of a "natural", or "greater" Albania of one state for all ethnic Albanians in the Balkans, which would include parts of the territories of Macedonia, Montenegro, Greece, and Serbia.

According to the project, Albanians in these countries would hold a referendum to plead for the establishment of the state.

Presevo valley, a largely ethnic Albanian region in south Serbia, would become part of a "greater Albania" according to the plan, Rexhepi said, explaining that the area has been part of Albanian territories in the past.

Tomo Zoric, spokesperson for the Serbian prosecutor's office, said that his office would check what ethnic Albanian leaders who hold official positions said at the meeting in Tirana.

"If we detect that there were elements of their speeches which violated the law, the prosecutor's office will initiate proceedings," Zoric told Balkan Insight.

In an unofficial referendum held in 1992, a majority of ethnic Albanians in the Presevo Valley expressed their desire to join Kosova.

________________________________________

2013-A year of natural Albania: at last, Koco Danaj speaks of future events on the Balkans.


By:  Bekri Ajdini



Gruevski's politics estimated as nationalistic caused ethnic Albanians to seek for alternative solutions.  Ethnic Albanian political scientist, Koco Danaj told Lajm that ethnic Albanians move towards forming of a natural Albania that will include all the places where they live.


"The year of 2010 is the year when the establishment of natural Albania will begin.  Don't be surprised if the movement which today is being called self-determination grows into a political party in the future which would include all ethnic Albanians that want to remain Albanians within their progressive mentality," said Danaj.

According to Danaj, contrary to Gruevski's megalomania, "the ethnic Albanian politicians from Eastern Albania who occasionally are in Macedonia have no need to express themselves with a shady terminology, but they should openly speak in front of the people which they represent."


He evaluated Rafiz Aliti's statement as insufficient.


"Ethnic Albanian politicians need to overcome the handicap.  They are faced with Gruevski's nationalism that gains support of the EU pro-Slavic lobby against pro-USA ethnic Albanians.


They should recognize themselves and tell where the places they live in belong--in Western Macedonia or Eastern Albania," said Danaj.


He explained that ethnic Albanians are going to enter the EU, but not in the same way that Gruevski chooses and advised BDI that "the new name of the Republic of Macedonia should be Northern Republic of Macedonia and Eastern Albania."
_________________________________________________

Albanian politicians in Montenegro refute the thought of "Greater Albania"

Montenegro's Minister of Minority Rights, Ferhat Dinosha and leader of Tuzi's urban municipality, Nikolle Gegaj, immediately responded to the news that a "Natural Albania" is being sought after the meetings in Tirana.

Dinosha and Gegaj rebuffed the thought of a "Greater Albania" claiming that Albanians in Montenegro have all the rights that could be afforded to minorities.  Dinosha went on to say that Montenegro and Albania have very close diplomatic ties that would not be jeopardized by territorial advances.

It is worth noting that both Dinosha and Gegaj are members and advocates for the DPS and adherents to Milo Djukanovic's master plan to suppress Albanians into political, social, and economic submission.   

EU readies mixed message for Montenegro

Published: 28 October 2010

Updated: 02 November 2010

FREE MALESIA NOTE:  (questionable statistic that Albanians only represent 3% of the total population in Montenegro)

The European Union is likely to grant Montenegro candidate status in November but defer opening entry talks with the ex-Yugoslav state as a result of corruption and slow democratic reform, an EU official revealed yesterday (27 October).

Background

In May 2006 a referendum decided that the small Adriatic country would become independent from Serbia (55.5% voted for separation; 44.5% to remain with Serbia). The Montenegrin parliament formally declared Montenergo's independence the following month.

For a couple of years before the split, the EU tried unsuccessfully to discourage the separation of Montenegro from Serbia. Up to now, the prevalent opinion in Brussels has remained that the former Yugoslavia should not disintegrate any further.

One of the reasons for Montenegro's push for independence was that the small country, which has no big obstacles on its way to accession as Serbia has with Kosovo, would like to join the EU sooner.

The major ethnic groups in the country are Montenegrins (43%), Serbs (32%), Bosniaks (8%), Muslims (5%) and Albanians (3%).

On 8 October, Prime Minister of Montenegro Milo Djukanovic said his country expected to gain European Union candidate status in November and to start accession talks "soon".

The country is often cited as a haven for trafficking and money laundering.

The recommendation will come in annual progress reports, which the European Commission, the EU's executive arm, will publish on 9 November on all the Western Balkan countries, Turkey and Iceland.

The Commission is also expected to deny candidate status for now to Albania. The report will not change the status of Serbia, which will face Commission scrutiny over the next year after submitting its application less than a year ago.

"It's the most likely scenario," said the official. "It's too early for Albania. And Montenegro will likely get candidate status but is not ready to start talks [...] because of concerns over corruption."

Winning candidate status is the last step before a country aspiring to join the EU starts accession negotiations, a long process aiming to align its laws with EU rules and standards.

Hopefuls need to prove their economic reforms are well advanced on the path to becoming functioning market economies and demonstrate substantial efforts to overcome crime and introduce the rule of law.

Montenegro, with a population of 700,000, and Albania are both struggling with rampant corruption.

The EU, a 27-nation bloc of half of a billion people, is already holding membership talks with Croatia, Iceland and Turkey, while all the countries of the Western Balkans want to join one day.

Macedonia is also a candidate but a spat with EU member Greece over its name is blocking the start of talks.

(EurActiv with Reuters.)

CORRUPTION 101: Citing “lack of evidence” Podgorica court frees officers accused of torturing Albanians

Due to lack of evidence, Montenegrin police officers Kalezić Marko, Darko Šekularac, Nenad Scekic, Milorad Mitrovic and Branko Radičković were set free last week by order of the Court of Appeals and released of all charges stemming from their conduct in the “Eagle’s Flight” arrest in 2006. The police officers were accused of using excessive force in the arrests of several Albanian nationals in the Malёsia region, including three American citizens. The arrests followed suspicion that a group of Albanians were planning to destabilize the Montenegrin government by “terrorist” means.


Although international monitoring agencies cited numerous incidents of police brutality during the arrests, the appeals court did not refer to any such evidence in their final conclusions.

Facts that were ignored centered on details that the entire process was marred with inconsistencies and corruption. Immediately following the arrests, Amnesty International reported that the prisoners were subjected to “repeated beatings, including with the intension of forcing a confession, using hands, fists, feet, sticks, and on one occasion a computer cable.” The report went on to assert that “beatings were allegedly conducted by both individual and groups of police officers at the police station, by the antiterrorist police involved in the arrest and by police escorting the men to court” (eye-witness reports named Scekic, Mitrovic and Marko leading the way). Amnesty concluded that “one individual reported that a hood was placed over his head; another that he had a gun held to his head; all were subjected to racist threats on the basis of their Albanian ethnicity” (10/17/06).

In the same vein, the U.S. State Department in a recent Country Report cited the Helsinki Committee of Montenegro that “police had used disproportionate force against some of the arrested persons and their family members during the arrests and subsequent interrogations.” Concurringly, Freedom House reported similar abuses and stated that “the hospitalization of prison inmates after a police raid raised questions of brutality and resulted in a change in prison administration…accusations of political interference and complaints of lengthy judicial processes continued to plague the judicial and prosecutorial systems.”

According to a 2009 Report by USAID (Corruption Assessment: Montenegro), Montenegro’s police system has been criticized with having little independence from judicial and legislative influence. As with many political institutions in Podgorica, corruption continues to be a problem:

- The conflicts of interest law is too limited, the local self-government law is inadequate, and whistleblower protection is insufficient;

- Judges are insufficiently trained;

- Trials take too much time, in part, because the courtrooms are not equipped with, and the judges do not use, any form of court-reporting mechanism;

- Defendants who have insufficient resources to hire their own defense attorneys are given appointed counsel; appointed counsel does not necessarily have any experience or specialized training in criminal defense matters;

- There appears to be little or no communication between prosecutors of the Basic Courts, the police, and building inspectors at the local level;

- Political and economic elites as connected by durable networks based on sharing the benefits of corruption. Corruption is controlled from above with the spoils shared within clans based on family, friendship and regional ties – especially in the banking and construction sectors. They act with perceived impunity – there are few controls to detect and prevent corruption, and there is insignificant enforcement and prosecution of high-level corrupt acts. Corruption is seen as a high reward-low risk activity;

- The leading political party (DPS) has minimal competition, with the opposition parties severely fragmented along ethnic, religious or economic lines and no reasonable possibilities for coalition building;

- Public officials can act with impunity. There are minimal controls and oversight to ensure their accountability and, despite access to information laws, there are sufficient loopholes available to minimize government transparency;

- Weak oversight can be seen in the relatively ineffectual efforts by the criminal justice system to identify, prosecute and sentence corrupt officials, whether they are on the national or local scene;

The Directorate for Anticorruption Initiative (DACI) recently completed a survey research study of the justice sector (2008) where more than one-third of all interviewed parties (1788 respondents) and one quarter of companies had the perception that the judicial system in Montenegro is often or always corrupt.

Contributing to this lack of adequate political will is the minimal nature of political competition in Montenegro. Essentially, the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), as the successor to the League of Communists, has served as the ruling party for 60 years. The opposition parties appear to be hopelessly small and fragmented, with few proponents of coalition building. Without political competition from other parties or from the legislature or judiciary, the ruling party feels empowered to wield its authority without need to modify its grip on the spoils of power.

If this corruptive behavior in Montenegro is not overhauled, the paternal relationships between the DPS, judicial and police apparatus’ will continue to function unabridged for many years to come.

Does Skopje need a "Skenderbeg Square"?

The Macedonian government is spending millions to renovate a square in Skopje. Now the mayor of an ethnic Albanian majority municipality wants to construct a competing square across the river. Are things getting out of hand?

By Klaudija Lutovska for Southeast European Times in Skopje -- 08/10/10

Izet Medziti, mayor of the Chair district in Skopje, has an ambitious plan for his predominantly ethnic Albanian municipality. He wants to build a massive new public square honouring the 15th-century hero Skenderbeg.


At 29,000 square metres, it will be larger than the existing Macedonia Square, just across the River Vardar, which bisects the city. Constructing it could cost as much as 50m euros.

Because it would be located on a legally protected national landmark, Skopje's Old Bazaar, a state permit is required. "The Chair municipality has not asked for such a permit," Culture Minister Elizabeta Kancevska-Milevska told SETimes.

Nevertheless, the government has allocated an estimated 356,000 euros to draw up an architectural plan.

Albanian intellectuals seem divided over the issue. Many question the need and cost, saying it is a costly example of urban planning being used for political ends.

Others argue the new square will reflect Skopje's multiethnic reality -- something they say the government's "Skopje 2014" project, aimed at renovating Macedonia Square, failed to do.

"Is the square necessary at a time when the citizens have many more urgent needs?" asks journalist Nazim Rashidi, summing up the reaction of many.

Dzabir Dervala of the NGO "Civil" describes the plans as "megalomanic" and "on par with the other party across the bridge". Both, he says, are unproductive.

"From a political aspect," Dervala said, "the square is a reflection of what is happening in the country and is arrogantly forced by the governing elements [upon the citizens]."

Politicians, he says, would do better to propose infrastructure projects that "deal with poverty and address security challenges".

Monumental works can be a positive thing in normal circumstances, writes analyst Alber Musliu, but not in a time of economic crisis. The rush to propose competing squares is like "creating feuds", he suggests.

Sociologist Hasan Jashari, however, believes the new square will help ease interethnic tensions, though at a steep cost. "It is a compromise solution by the coalition partners to achieve peace in house. It is not a product of the real needs of the population, keeping in mind the essential problems of the citizens with regard to food, health care, education and housing," Jashari said.

Analyst Artan Sadiku disagrees. "The suggestion to build a square around the Skenderbeg statue is being exploited by [the Democratic Union of Integration party] to fulfil its party goals, as well as to stir up ethnic tensions in Macedonia," said Sadiku.

By naming this project "Skenderbeg", DUI is trying to position itself to Albanians as a history maker in its competition with its coalition partner, VMRO. "In order to stay in power, the parties use the same methods to create a nationalist fetish through which the state budget is spent on construction," he said.

Others, like Union of Albanian Intellectuals Avzi Mustafa and journalist Daut Dauti, are enthusiastic. They argue the project is well thought out and links the modern and the traditional.

It will also allow easier access and freer communication between Skopje's two parts bisected by the Vardar, they say. After all, "this space belongs to us all," Dauti concludes.

________________________________________________________________
 
Ka nevojë Shkupi për një "Shesh Skënderbeg"?
 
Izet Mexhiti, kryebashkiaku i lagjes Çair në Shkup, ka një plan ambicioz për komunën e tij me mbizotërim etnik shqiptar. Ai do që të ndërtojë një shesh të ri masiv publik për të nderuar heroin e shekullit të 15-të, Skënderbeun.


Me 29,000 metra katrore, ai do të jetë më i madh se Sheshi i Maqedonisë, vetëm përtej lumit Vardar, që ndan qytetin. Ndërtimi i tij mund të kushtonte deri në 50 milion euro.

Për shkak se ai do të vendosej në një vend kombëtar të mbrojtur me ligj, Pazarin e Vjetër të Shkupit, kërkohet një leje shtetërore. "Bashkia e Çairit nuk ka kërkuar për një leje të tillë," i tha SETimes ministrja e kulturës Elizabeta Kançevska-Milevska.

Megjithatë, qeveria ka ndarë rreth 356,000 euro për të hartuar një plan arkitekturor.

Intelektualët shqiptarë duken të ndarë lidhur me çështjen. Shumë vënë në pikpyetje nevojën dhe koston, duke thënë se është një shembull i kushtueshëm i planifikimit urban që po përdoret për qëllime politike.

Të tjerë argumentojnë se sheshi i ri do të pasqyrojë realitetin multietnik të Shkupit, diçka që siç thonë ata, projekti i qeverisë "Shkupi 2014" që kishte për qëllim rinovimin e Sheshit Maqedonia, dështoi ta bënte.

"Është sheshi një domosdoshmëri në një kohë kur qytetarët kanë nevoja shumë më urgjente?" pyet gazetari Nazim Rashidi, duke përmbledhur reagimin e shumë vetëve.

Xhabir Dervala i OJQ-së "Civil" i përshkruan planet si "megallomane" dhe baraz me palën tjetër përtej urës". Të dyja, thotë ai, janë jofrutdhënëse.

"Nga një aspekt politik," tha Dervala, "sheshi është një pasqyrim i asaj që ndodh në vend dhe është detyruar me arrogancë nga elementë qeverisës [mbi qytetarët]."

Politikanët, thotë ai, do të bënin më mirë të propozonin projekte infrastrukture që "të merreshin me varfërinë dhe t'i drejtoheshin sfidave të sigurisë".

Veprat monumentale mund të jenë një gjë pozitive në rrethana normale, shkruan analisti Alber Musliu, por jo në kohë krizash ekonomike. Nxitimi për të propozuar sheshe konkurruese është si "të krijosh hasmëri", sugjeron ai.

Sociologu Hasan Jashari, megjithatë beson se sheshi i ri do të ndihmojë të zbuten tensionet ndëretnike, ndonse me një kosto të lartë. "Është një zgjidhje kompromisi nga partnerët e koalicionit për të arritur paqen në vend. Nuk është produkt i nevojave reale të popullsisë, që ka parasysh problemet thelbësore të shtetasve lidhur me ushqimin, kujdesin shëndetësor, arsimin dhe strehimin," tha Jashari.

Analisti Artan Sadiku nuk është dakord. "Sugjerimi për të ndërtuar një shesh rreth statujës së Skënderbeut është shfrytëzuar nga [partia e Bashkimit Demokratik për Integrimin] për të përmbushur qëlimet e partisë si dhe për të nxitur tensionet etnike në Maqedoni," tha Sadiku.


Duke e qujtur këtë projekt "Skënderbeg", BDI po përpiqet ta vërë veten ndaj shqiptarëve si historibërëse në konkurrim me partneren e saj të koalicionit VMRO. "Me qëllim që të qëndrojë në pushtet, partitë përdorin të njëjtat metoda për të krijuar një fetish nacionalist nëpërmjet të cilit shpenzohet për ndërtimin buxheti i shtetit," tha ai.

Të tjerë si Avzi Mustafa i Bashkimit të Intelektualëve Shqiptarë dhe gazetari Daut Dauti, janë entusiastë. Ata argumentojnë se projekti është i menduar mirë dhe lidh modernen me tradicionalen.

Ai do të kejojë gjithashtu akses më të kollajtë dhe komunikim më të lirë midis të dy pjesëve të Shkupit të ndara nga Vardari, thonë ata. Gjithasesi, "kjo hapësirë na takon e gjitha ne," përfundon Dauti.

EU Waits for Milosević's last Disciple to leave ...

BRUSSELS, 09/29/2010 -- Parliament's president Jerzy Buzek has warned that Montenegro still has to allay serious concerns over reform of its judicial system before it can be considered suitable for EU membership.

The Polish MEP was speaking after a meeting in parliament on Tuesday with Ranko Krivokapic, speaker of the Montenegrin parliament.

The Balkan country has not yet formally been recognised as an official EU candidate, nor have accession negotiations started.

However, it is expected to gain such status next spring although some believe that could be conditional upon the early departure of Montenegro's Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic.

Major EU capitals have signalled the country's path towards the EU might be easier without the veteran leader.

Addressing journalists after his meeting, Buzek tried to tread a fine diplomatic line by both praising Montenegro's EU integration efforts while at the same time warning that it still needs to do a lot in tackling organised crime, corruption and strengthening its administration and judicial reform.

Buzek said, "Our cooperation has been strengthened. I welcome the overall reform progress of Montenegro. In this regard, cross-party support is essential.

"I hope that the commission will give a positive opinion with a view to granting candidate country status to Montenegro in November.

"More work needs to be done. This includes strengthening public administration, the fight against corruption and organised crime as well as reform of the justice system.

"Regional cooperation and good neighbourly relations are crucial for the future of the Western Balkans. I am very pleased to hear that bilateral relations between Montenegro and its neighbours are very good."

Krivokapic was in parliament to discuss the status of EU-Montenegro relations.

On Tuesday, he attended the first meeting of the stabilisation and association parliamentary committee between the European parliament and the Montenegrin parliament

By Martin Banks - 29th September 2010

Fatmir Sejdiu resigns as Kosova's president

PRISTINA (Reuters) - Kosovo's President Fatmir Sejdiu resigned on Monday, potentially destabilizing the fragile political scene before talks with Belgrade which still refuses to recognize the former Serbian province's independence.

Sejdiu bowed to a constitutional court ruling last week that he may not serve simultaneously as the largely ceremonial head of state and as leader of his political party, which is junior partner in the coalition government.

"I respect the constitutional court decision," Sejdiu told a news conference in announcing his resignation as president, who is elected by parliament. "Over these years I have worked so that the Republic of Kosovo would have democratic institutions."

A 58-year-old former law professor, Sejdiu was elected president for the second time in 2008 but remained at the helm of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), the second largest party which is part of Prime Minister Hashim Thaci's government.

The resignation highlights the growing pains of Kosovo, which declared independence from Serbia in 2008, although Belgrade lost control of its province nine years earlier.

In a major policy change, Serbia said earlier this month it would negotiate with Kosovo on practical issues for the country of two million which it does not recognize diplomatically.

Ilir Deda, executive director of the Kosovo think tank KIPRED, said Sejdiu's resignation was problematic for the negotiations which are expected to start next month.

"Kosovo cannot have talks with Belgrade with incomplete institutions amid a vacant presidency and politically weakened government," he said.

In July, in a blow to the impoverished country's image as it tries to attract international investment, authorities jailed the central bank governor in a corruption investigation.

Last Friday, the constitutional court ruled that Sejdiu committed "a serious violation" by serving as both president of Kosovo and leader of a political party. The ruling had been widely expected as the constitution bars the president from holding any political party functions.

Sejdiu was elected president in 2006 to replace Ibrahim Rugova who died of lung cancer.

Sejdiu helped to draft laws in Kosovo after the 1998-99 war when NATO waged a bombing campaign to halt killings of ethnic Albanians in a two-year counter-insurgency war with Serb forces. He was also the head of Kosovo delegation during status talks with Serbia when Kosovo declared independence.

The parliament has 60 days in which to appoint a successor.

(Editing by Adam Tanner/David Stamp)

President of Albania, Bamir Topi celebrates his first visit to Michigan with Albanian Community

HARPER WOODS, MICHIGAN, September 22, 2010 -- The President of the Republic of Albania, Bamir Topi and his wife Teuta, visited the Albanian-American Community of Michigan today making two historic stops at the Albanian Islamic Center and St. Paul's Albanian Catholic Church.

President Topi and his wife were accompanied by the Ambassador of Albania, Deputy Speaker of Kosova's Parliament, and the General Consul of Albania in the U.S. 

The president's first stop was at the Albanian Islamic Center of Harper Woods, where he was received by the Center's Imam, Shuaip Gerguri.  Topi thanked the attendees for their support of Albania's domestic and foreign initiatives along with the hospitality they expressed.  There was a brief question and answer session that followed.   

The President then visited St. Paul's Albanian Catholic Church and Community Center in Rochester Hills, where he respectfully honored two of Albania's most notable figures, Gjergj Kastrioti Skenderbeu and Mother Teresa.

As the crowd chanted the president's name, Topi expressed his gratitude by walking over to the crowd and shaking hands while thanking them for their warm welcome.

St. Paul's congressional leader, Father Anton Kqira escorted the president into the center's library for coffee and a short discussion.  Father Anton presented the president with a gift and thanked him for his generous visit to our community.

Thereafter, the president was honored in the banquet hall of St. Paul's where guests of honor accompanied him to the stage.  Those seated beside the president and his wife included Congressman Gary Peters, Mayor of Rochester Hills Brian Barnett, Ambassador of Albania Aleksander Sallabanda, Honorable Consul of Albania Ekrem Bardha, and Deputy Speaker of Kosova's Parliament Naim Maloku.

The Masters of ceremonies were Viktor Ivezaj and Nevruz Nazarko.

The ceremony commenced before a capacity crown of approximately 700 guests, including visitors from as far as Toronto, New York and Illinois.  Numerous media outlets were also present to record this historic visit.

The honored guests gave a brief statement related to the president's visit and shared their gratitude and delight with the opportunity to showcase their state and venue to Albania's head of state.  Both Congressman Peters and Mayor Barnett thanked the president for his support of the United States and remarked that the U.S. Congress and the City of Rochester Hills will remain strong advocates for Albania's development and proliferation alongside western Europe.

The president acknowledged those present and marveled at the size and scope of St. Paul's Community Center, referring to it as a "Grand Cathedral."  Topi congratulated the Albanian community of Michigan on their success and hospitality, and especially thanked the United States for their steadfast support of Albania.  Mr. Topi also honored this day Mother Teresa as we continue to celebrate her 100th anniversary by asserting that, "she is a true icon of the Albanian people and a saint among all of us."

After the ceremony, the president was joined by nearly 150 invited guests for a presidential luncheon at Fortesa Restaurant in downtown Rochester.  Topi fielded questions by the guests and enjoyed several laughs as his visit winded down.

The reception of President Topi was without question a successful event by all accounts; the president and his wife were humbled by the reception they received during their first visit to Michigan. 

We welcome the president and his family to visit our great community again in the very near future!