DEKLARATË PËR SHTYP

Konference e Dytë Ndërkombëtare për “Shqiptarët në Malin e Zi”

SHQIPTARËT Në Mal të Zi:

Politika e Shumicës ndaj Pakicës gjatë Kalimit në Demokraci

Rochester, Michigan, më 1 Nëntor, 2014 – Konferenca e Dytë Ndërkombëtare mbi “Shqiptarët në Mal të Zi” përfundoi sot në Universitetin e Oakland me një paraqitje historike të kërkimeve shkencore. E organizuar nën përkujdesjen e me mbështetjen e Departamentit të Shkencave Politike dhe të Programit të Studimeve Ndërkombëtare, së bashku me disa Shoqata Shqiptaro-Amerikane, në zhvillimet e kësaj konferencë morën pjesë studenta, shkollarë, udhëheqës të bashkësisë Shqiptaro-Amerikane, figura të spikatura të biznesit dhe të politikës nga Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe nga Europa.

Konferenca e këtij viti mblodhi bashkë kërkues nga fushat e ndryshme të studimit, të së drejtës ndërkombëtare e të qeverisjes, që u bënë bashkë me analizue dhe vlerësue problemet e cështjet që janë të pazgjidhura tash sa kohë dhe që preokuppojnë Shqiptarët në Mal të Zi. Që nga folësit kryesorë tek nuk numri i madh i propozimeve për pjesëmarrje që u paraqitën, Konferenca përfoundoi me sukses të plotë. Duke ndërtuar mbi konferencën e parë të zhvilluar në NYU në vitin 2012, kjo konferencë vazhdon t’iu ofrojë shkollarëve, kërkuesve e studjuesve mundësinë për me paraqitë e me diskutue problemet e shumta lidhur me politikat e dështuara të Malit të Zi për të përfshirë dhe për të trajtuar sin duhet edhe pakicën Shqiptare që jeton në trojet e veta.

Në konferencë u paraqitën kërkime që provojnë se bashkësia shqiptare në Mal të Zi vazhdon të viktimizohet nga poltiikat shtetërore malazese që synojnë asimilimin e tyre të dhunshëm dhe emigrimin përmes mundësive të kufizuara për edukim e punësim, prapambetje e qëllimte ekonomike, mungesë e decentralizimit të qeverisjes dhe programeve të tjera qeverisëse që kanë si synim që të mbysin e zhdukin gjuhën, kulturën dhe trashëgimninë shqiptare. Paraqitësit demonstruan me sukses se si shumë nga premtimet e angazhimet e Malit të Zi për të mbrojtur pakicat nuk janë zbatuar dhe nuk janë përkthyer apo përfshirë në legjislacionin e Malit të Zi apo në politikat që ndiqen. Si rezultat, të dhënat konfirmojnë se frika e shqiptarëve se vendi i tyre ne një “bashkim” të Malit të Zi me Europën, nuk do ta përmirësojë statusin e tyre të ardhshëm është legjtiime. Po ashtu, kjo konfirmoi frikën e tyre se këto objektiva do të arrihen përmes një programi të premtimeve e flajëve boshe të cilat do të fshehin realitetin e shkeljes së lirive të njeriut dhe të drejtave të barabarta, deri sat ë arrihet në pikën që popullsia etnike shqiptare nuk do të jetë më factor me peshë në politikën e Malit të Zi.

Konferenca paraqiti dy punime kryesore nga profesorët Viktor N. Ivezaj dhe Shinasi A. Rama, si dhe një numër të ndjeshëm paraqitjesh nga folësit që diskutuan mbi një numër problemesh e cështjesh lidhur me identitetin e shqiptarëve, politikat e pakicës, dhe influencat e huaja dhe shtetet amë. 

Mbas fjalës mirëseardhëse nga profesor Paul Kubicek dhe profesor Ivezaj, Dr. Shinasi Rama (NYU) analizoi evolucionin e identitetit të malaziasve dhe duke sjelle evidencë historike argumentoi se malaziasit janë një grup etnik kompleks që kishin dy elemente të përbashkëta, luftën kundër Otomanëve dhe fenë ortodokse. Mirëpo, Në rrogën e shndrrimit të tyre ne komb, ata nuk u bënë një etni, por ata u lidhën me idene e shtetit, dhe në këtë process të zgjerimit të shtetit, por edhe gjatë pavarësisë e më pas, ata nuk janë ndalur asnjeherë nga përpjekja për të spastruar pakicat e ndryshme. Tani, shteti Malazes, po rreket të ndërtojë kombësinë dhe etninë malazese duke bërë një përpjekje të madhe për ti asimiluar të tjerët në kombësinë malaziase. Në rastin e shqiptarëve që nuk ndajnë me ta as fenë, as traditat, as lidhjen me shtetin, e as gjuhën, rruga që po ndiqet është përcaj e sundo, asimilimi e përjashtimi i studjuar përmes emigrimit etj. cka edhe ka pasoja të rënda për ta si pakicë që jeton në trojet e veta, ashtu dhe për Malin e Zi evtë radhmen e tij demokratike.

Profesor Viktor Ivezaj (WSU) paraqit një teori të dyfishtë dhe argumentoi se diskriminimi etnik I shqiptarëve në Mal të Zi është pasojë e “polarizimit etnik”  një metodë e përdorur nga shteti dhe që nuk është rezultat I urrejtjeve të vjetra etnike, sic paraqitet në literaturë. Profesor Ivezaj, thotë se në së kjo politikë e polazimit etnik nuk ndalohet, atëherë pakica shqiptare në Mal të Zi do të vazhdojë që të ushqejë një qëndrim negative ndaj shtetit, dicka që kur të shprehet publikisht do ta kapë Malin e Zi në befasi dhe do të pasoja negative për zhvillimet shoqërore, politike dhe ekonomike në atë shtet.  

Dr. Nail Draga (Qendra Kulturore, Ulqin) ofroi një analizë të vecantë e të thelluar të regjistrimeve të popullsisë të bëra në Malin e Zi në periudhën 1948-2011. Ai paraqiti të dhëna të pakontestueshme se numrat e popullsisë zyrtare të Malit të Zi, nuk e pasqyrojnë si duket gjendjen e popullsisë aktuale. Duke vënë në dukje të meta e gabime në mbledhjen, analizmin e raportimin e të dhënave, Dr. Draga argumenton se gjithcka tregon se metodklogjia e përdorur nga Zyra e Regjistrimti të Popullsisë në Mal të Zi synon që të zvogëlojë numrin e poipullsisë shqiptare deri në atë pikë sa ata të kthehen në një factor krejt të parëndësishëm politik.

Doktorante Agata Biernat (Nicolaus Copernicus University, Turin Poland) në punimin e saj analizoi politikat e vetëqeverisjes në rajonin e Malësisë. Në këtë Punim, ajo shpejgoi dhe paraqiti metodat e ndjekura nga shqiptarët për të influencuar sistemin politik në Mal të Zi për me arritë qëllimet e tyr edhe me e rivendosë komunën e Tuzit.

Dr. Sabina Osmanovic (Universiteti i Shkodrës dhe Universiteti i Tiranës) paraqiti një analizë të mbështetur në një pyetësor që ajo e kishtë mbledhur rajonet e banuara me shqiptarë të Malit të Zi. Në analizën e saj, Dr. Osmanovic sqaroi se si një numër pyetjesh dhe përgjigjet e dhëna hedhin një dritë të re mbi pritshmëritë e shqiptarëve para referendumit për pavarësinë dhe perceptimet e tyre mbas pavarësisë. Duke krahasuar përmes një numri të ndjeshëm pyetjesh (a) premtimet që Malazesët kishin bërë para referendumit për pavarësi në vitin 2006 dhe (b) përgjigjet e tyre se sa kishte arritur Mali i Zit ë përmbushte këto premtime tetë vjet më vonë, në vitin 2014, dr. Osmanovic argumentoi se shqiptarët janë të diskriminuar dhe të pa integruar si duhet në të gjithë sferat e jetës ekonomike, politike dhe shoqërore dhe, cka është më ë erëndëishme, Mali i Zi, nuk e ka mbajtur premtimin për një të ardhme më të mirë e të barabartë për të gjtihë shqiptarët. 

Dr. Angjell Gojcaj (Universiteti i Shkodrës) paraqiti një analizë bashkëkohore të politikave sociale dhe shtetërore diskriminuese që tashmë janë tkonsistente në kohë të ndjekur nga qeveria e Malit të Zi. Duke ndjekur një ligjikë institucionaliste, Dr. Gojcaj, u përqëndrua në tre llojet e ndryshme të drejtave të pakicës shqiptare – e drejta e simboleve kombëtare, e drejta e përfaqësimit politik, dhe e drejta e punësimit. Duke u mbështetur në statutet e të konvetat e të drejtës ndërkombëtare, mongrafitë dhe raportet e ndryshme të paraqitur, ai e provoi në mënyrë të pakundërshtueshme praninë e trajtimit diskriminues të shqiptarëve dhe të grupimeve të ndryshme që përfaqësojnë shqiptarët në Mal të Zi. 

Doktorant Grid Rroji (CUNY) ekzaminoi efektet e mbështetjes së vakët të shtetit shqiptar për të drejtat e pakicës etnike shqiptare në Mal të Zi, si dhe pasojat që ka pasur kjo sjellje për stabilitetin rajonal dhe sigurinë. Rroji, mbeshteti argumentin se përkeqësimi i të drejtave njerëzore në Mal të Zi, së bashku me mungesën e mbështetjes së Shqipërisë për pakicat kombëtare shqiptare në shtetet fqinjë, paraqet një rrezimk të vazhdueshëm për të ardhmen e shqiptarëve por edhe për stabilitetin e Malit të Zi dhe sigurinë rajonale.

Profesor Paul Kubicek (Universiteti Oakland) vlerësoi rolin e Bashkimit Europian në lidhje me statusin e shqiptarëve etnikë në Mal të Zi. Duke e ndjekur këtë rol nga këndvështrimi i të drejtave të minoriteteve, si dhe duke ndjekur qasjet e shqiptarëve ndaj BE dhe Malit të Zi, Prof. Kubicek, ofroi një listë të prioriteteve dhe bëri disa sugjerime të vyeshme se cilat rrugë duheshin ndjekur për të siguruar që qeveria e Malit të zi dhe strukturat e tjera, si dhe shoqëria civile t’i respektonin të drejtat e shqiptarëve. Ai argumentoi se megjithëse Mali i Zi dukej sikur i respektonte te drejtat e shqiptarëve, në fakt gjendja ishte tjetër, dhe se ka shumë problem të lidhura me të drejtat e minoriteteve të cilat duhet të adresohen nga Mali i Zi përpara se ky shtet të bëhet i gatshëm për t’u integruar në Bashkimin europian.

Profesor Shinasi Rama analizoi rolin e diasporës shqiptare nga Mali i Zi dhe tregoi cilat janë ndjekur nga kjo diasporë për të ndikuar në administratën amerikane dhe në organizatat e tjera. Duke shpjeguar rolin në rritje të diasporës, Prof. Rama e vuri theksin tek roli në rritje i diasporës për kushtëzimin e sjelljes së politikanëve dhe ndërgjegjësimin e bashkësisë shqiptaro-amerikane, si dhe në ndërtimin e strukturave që po punojnë me administratën e më shoqërinë civile për të përcuar e sqaruar gjendjen e shqiptarëve në Mal të Zi.

Disa organizata Shqiptaro-Amerikane e mbështetën dhe morën pjesë në konferencën e këtij viti përfshirë këtu fondacionin “Plavë-Guci,” Shoqatën Shqiptaro-Amerikane “Malësia e Madhe” dhe Shoqatën Shqiptaro-Amerikane “Ana e Malit”.  Mbështetësit që nuk mundën të vinin por që i kontribuan mbarëvajtjes së konferëncës ishin fondi humanitar “Malësia”, Fondacioni “Ded Gjon Luli”, Fondacioni “Dom Simon Filipaj” dhe Shoqata Shqiptaro-Amerikane,“Kraja”.

Konferenca e vitit 2014 ka përfunduar dhe redaktorët po punojnë që të botojnë një libër që të përfshijë të gjithë punimet e paraqitura në këtë konferencë. Për me tëpër, Komiteti Organizues, po përgatitet që të organizojë Konferncën e tretë në Mal të Zi, në vitin 2016. Kjo do të koincidojë me 10 vjetorin e pavarësisë së Malit të Zi dhe qëllimi i saj është që të shihet më qartë gjendja e shqiptarëve dhjetë vjet mbas pavarësisë së Malit të Zi, si dhe hedhja dritë mbi problemet shoqërore e politike që shqetësojnë shqiptarët. Në fakt, je kemi filluar të kontaktojmë kolegët nga Mali i Zi, Shqipëria, SHBA, UK, dhe Kosova për të siguruar që konferenca e vitit 2016 do të jetë një sukses i plotë.

Komiteti Organizues dëshëron të falënderojë të gjithë ata që e bënë këtë konferencë një sukses të merituar dhe në vecanti, paraqitësit, Shoqatat Shqiptaro-Amerikane, dhe Organizatën e Studentëve Shqiptaro-Amerikanë. Urojmë që të takohemi sërish në vitin 2016!

Program for the Conference on "The Albanians in Montenegro"

The Department of Political Science

and the International Studies Program at Oakland University

In Collaboration with the Albanian-American Associations of New York, Detroit and Chicago

presents:

The 2^nd International Conference on

THE ALBANIANS IN MONTENEGRO

Majority vs. Minority Politics in an Era of Democratic Transition

                              

Where:        Meadow Brook Hall

                     On the campus of Of Oakland University

                      Rochester, MI 48309   U.S.A.

When:         November 1, 2014

Day:          Saturday

Time:        8:30 a.m. — 3:30 p.m.

Contact:   viktor.ivezaj@wayne.edu

                        

                                          Seating:    Limited

 Complimentary Breakfast

8:30 a.m.

Welcoming Remarks:    Paul Kubicek

                                            Oakland University

Introductory Remarks:       Viktor N. Ivezaj,

                                            Wayne State University

PANEL I:  ALBANIAN IDENTITY AND MONTENEGRIN POLITICS  (9:00 a.m.)

§  Shinasi A. Rama, New York University

 History and Identity: Albanians and Montenegrins

§  Viktor N. Ivezaj, Wayne State University

Human Rights and Ethnic Polarization Among the Albanians in Montenegro

§  Nail Draga, Cultural Center of Ulqin

Shqiptarët Në Mal Të Zi Në Regjistrimet E Popullsisë (1948-2011)

Chair:                  Agata Biernat, Nicolaus Copernicus University (Toruń, Poland)

Discussant:         Angjell Gojcaj, University of Shkodra

PANEL II:  ALBANIAN MINORITY POLITICS  (10:30 a.m.)

§  Agata Biernat, Nicolaus Copernicus University (Toruń, Poland)

The Albanian political activities in Montenegro and the question of Tuzi

§  Sabina Osmanovic, University of Shkodra

Analysis of the expectations preceding the referendum of the Albanians in Montenegro compared to the present

§  Angjell Gojcaj, University of Shkodra

Discrimination of Albanians in Montenegro in Matter of Minorities Rights

Chair:                  Shinasi A. Rama, New York University

Discussant:         Viktor N. Ivezaj, Wayne State University

PANEL III:  EXTERNAL INFLUENCES  (1:30 p.m.)

§  Grid Rroji, City University of New York (CUNY)

Albanian Kin State(s) Foreign Policy Towards Albanians in Montenegro: The Failure of the concept of integration as a definition of National Interest.

§  Paul Kubicek, Oakland University

The European Union and Minority Rights in Montenegro

§  Viktor Ivezaj and Shinasi Rama

The Albanian Diaspora and the Albanian Politics in Montenegro

Chair:                    Sabina Osmanovic, University of Shkodra

Discussant:            Angjell Gojcaj, University of Shkodra

CONCLUDING REMARKS:      Viktor N. Ivezaj, Wayne State University

Conference Website:  www.albanianconference.blogspot.com

Montenegro's Only Albanian Paper Pleads for Help

The editorial team of the only Albanian newspaper in Montenegro, Koha Javore, are calling on parliament and ethnic Albanian parties to keep it alive.

The problem facing the weekly Koha Javore is that it is part of the bankrupt state-ownedPobjeda company, which is millions in debt and facing closure or sale.

In an open letter to Montenegrin deputies in parliament, the paper's editor-in-chief, Ali Salaj, called on politicians to keep the Albanian-language newspaper alive.

Salaj said that Koha Javore should not exempted from the bankruptcy proceedings concerning Pobjeda, and from its possible privatization.

He said that funds to keep the paper alive should come from the assembly, the government and the fund for the protection of minority rights.

"Minority media should be retained and supported by relevant state institutions for their mission in a multi-ethnic society, but also due to the fact that these media cannot be profitable," Salaj said.

Koha was founded by the Assembly of Montenegro in 1999, but the first issue was not published until February 2002. 

Until 2009, the paper received funding from the Montenegrin state, but, due to budget cuts, a decision was made that Koha Javore was an "unnecessary expense".  

A few months later, Koha ceased to appear as a separate weekly and become an appendix to the daily Pobjeda.  

Albanian political parties

, the civil sector and intellectuals have protested over the threat to  the newspaper.

They said that the disappearance of Koha Javore represented "an attack on the Albanians’ right to free information".

Dusica Tomovic

BIRN

 Podgorica

Call for Papers: 2nd International Conference on “The Albanians in Montenegro”

Rochester, Michigan USA

In the Detroit Metropolitan Area

November 1, 2014

 THE THEME FOR THE 2014 CONFERENCE

 THE ALBANIANS IN MONTENEGRO:

MINORITY vs. MAJORITY POLITICS

IN AN ERA OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION

Organizing Committee:

Viktor N. Ivezaj, Wayne State University

Paul Kubicek, Oakland University

                       Shinasi A. Rama, New York University

The independence referendum of May 21, 2006 paved the way for Montenegro’s second attempt at state sovereignty that it had lost in 1918, and at the same time signaled a close to the final chapter of Yugoslavia’s long and bitter collapse.   Montenegro’s road to her recent independence was certainly challenging, where internal forces proved to be as resistant to change as those outside its territorial boundaries.  Even though sovereignty has been accomplished, the road ahead is appearing to be more complex as this tiny nation sprints towards Euro-Atlantic integration, and at the same time attempts to forge a new identity, establish effective institutions, institute political legitimacy, and maintain social cohesion, which in the past two decades has been a convoluted task.  It could be argued that, from a regional point of view, the international community needs a “success story”, in other words, Montenegro serves as an example for a region that has been plagued by ethnic conflict and decades-long bloody wars.  And for the most part, Montenegro has emerged from the wrath of nationalism and was determined to carve out its own identity by first seeking independence from Serbia followed by accession to a more contemporary European family of states that share the common bond of democratic values, norms, and ideals, a far stretch from the communist ideologies that preserved Yugoslavia for more than six decades.  In spite of this, policymakers and political elites in Podgorica have failed to recognize the disparities in Montenegro’s socio-political and economic institutions.  Most troubling are its policies towards the Albanian population, where the Albanian minority has expressed grievances in all realms of social, economic and political life.

 The politics of exclusion continue to frustrate the Albanian communities in Montenegro as their sociopolitical situation has not changed much since the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia.  In fact, many of the problems that faced Albanians in Kosova in lieu of the conflicts of 1990s are emerging in post-independence Montenegro.  Albanian communities continue to be victim of land confiscation, forced assimilation and emigration, limited access to education and employment, economic underdevelopment, absence of decentralized government and various other systemic programmes designed to stymie the Albanian language, culture and heritage.  As Montenegro weaves around the EU candidacy requirements, many of the commitments aimed at protecting minorities have come up short and not translated into law and policy.  As a result, Albanians fear that their place in a “union” with Europe will not improve their future status, and a programme of “smoking mirrors” – to conceal the reality of botched liberties and equal rights – will continue until the Albanian population is a non-factor.

This conference series was conceived to assess these problems and work towards developing possible solutions where a multi-ethnic state can work parallel to a common goal.  Following the first successful conference on The Albanians in Montenegro: History, Identity and the Minority Politics in a New State in 2012 on the campus of NYU, the Organizing Committee (OC) is pleased to announce A CALL for PAPERS and PROPOSALS for the Second Conference scheduled for November 1, 2014 at the historic Meadow Brook Mansion on the campus of Oakland University.  The conference is being co-sponsored by OU’s Department of Political Science and International Studies.

The OC seeks proposals, including thematic and topical panels, papers and roundtable discussions for the 2014 conference in Michigan.  The conference planners seek research and activities that reflect on the themes of ethnicity, nationalism, political participation and behavior, policy, advocacy, education, international law, culture, and research as they relate to the status of Albanians in Montenegrin society; particularly as they pertain to the aforementioned issues. Key questions of interest center on how Albanians in Montenegro have transformed the electoral strategies and policy decisions of political candidates both in regional and national politics; education and economic disparities and stagnation; Albanian, Montenegrin, and other Balkan politics related to minority rights, policy innovation, and conflict; ethnic politics and policy effects on ethnic communities; laws, law enforcement, and the courts; ethnic identities and psychology; the political communication of ethnicity in an age of Euro-Atlantic integration; public opinions on issues related to ethnicity and ethnic relations; the role of integration and assimilation in political discourse and behavior; and epistemological and theoretical foundations of Albanian political thought and behavior in Montenegro.

The ambition of this conference is to welcome theoretical and empirical contributions to generate the greatest possible number of concrete, innovative answers to the questions of the Albanians in Montenegro, their political, associative and socio-economic representation and whether the state is working to improve the quality of governance, and subsequently, the quality of their lives.

We encourage participants to follow the principal themes covered below:

1.    “Better governance” or “good enough governance”

2.    Ethnicity and Nationalism

3.    The Prospects of “Greater” or “Natural” Albania

4.    Politics of Identity

5.    Albanian culture and encounters with the State

6.    The politics of numbers: the 2012 census in Montenegro

7.    Religious (In)Tolerance

8.    Territoriality and Language Rights

9.    Anti-Government Protests in Montenegro

10. Personal identities and state policies

11. Montenegro’s Constitution

12. Montenegro nationality policy

13. Politics of Self-Determination

14. Nationalism, Institutions and Participation

15. Culture and National Identity

16. Democratization and EU Integration of Montenegro

17. Problems With Assimilation and Coexistence in Montenegro

18. Imagined Democracy? Elections and Nation-Building

19. Language, Culture, Education and Identity

20. The Patterns of Post-Yugoslavia (Intellectual) Migration

21. Political integration

22. Diaspora Politics

23. Prospects for change in Montenegro

24. Unity and Diversity among the Albanian communities in Montenegro

The objective is to publish a book that includes the research papers presented at this conference.  Rules and deadlines for final paper submissions to the editorial board will be discussed at a special meeting scheduled for Sunday November 2^nd.

Paper-givers will have approx. 12 minutes for their presentation, as will the discussant(s). Chairpersons should leave approx. 30 minutes for discussion from the floor.

Abstract Submissions

Abstracts will only be accepted online via email to:      

viktor.ivezaj@wayne.edu

shinasi.rama@nyu.edu 

Other queries concerning the programme should be addressed to:  

viktor.ivezaj@wayne.edu

Important Dates

July 31^st                     Deadline for abstract submissions

August 31^st                Final Program released

September 30^th        deadline for paper submissions

November 1^st            Conference (8:30 a.m. – 3:30 p.m.)

November 2^nd           Round-Table Discussion

Accommodations

The OU Department of Political Science will provide a list of local accommodations once the Final Program has been released.

Muhammad Gjokaj Joins the Enemy!

PODGORICA - In local elections for the Urban Municipality of Tuz, the Democratic Union of Albanians (DUA) and its representative, Muhammad Gjokaj, will join forces with the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), the same party that has staggered Albanian development in the Malësia region.

This is not the first instance Gjokaj abandoned his obligations with an Albanian political party.  A few years back, while representing the Ulqin-based party FORCA in Malësia, he deserted the organization without warning and joined forces with another.

Gjokaj’s reckless behavior is being condemned both by Montenegrin-Albanians and those in the United States, where several NGOs have already called for Malësia to sever ties with him in every way possible. 

         

                              

APRIL 22, 2014

ALBANIAN-AMERICANS PROTEST IN FRONT OF THE WHITE HOUSE & MONTENEGRIN EMBASSY AGAINST THE DISCRIMINATION OF

THE ALBANIAN NATIONAL MINORITY IN MONTENEGRO 

WASHINGTON, DC – On Tuesday April 8, 2014 Albanian-Americans from around the United States gathered in Washington DC and protested before the White House and the Montenegrin Embassy against Montenegro’s systemic discriminatory policies towards its Albanian national minorities.  This peaceful demonstration followed similar rallies throughout Montenegro where ethnic Albanians vehemently objected the continued sociopolitical disparities that have plagued them for decades, particularly refusal by the Montenegrin Government to fully comply with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, including the Charter of Local Self-Government in granting the region of Malësia a full and comprehensive municipality with all the legitimate and administrative authority of a decentralized self-government.

This rally was purposely arranged to coincide with the arrival of Montenegro's Prime Minister, Milo Djukanovic, and his attempt to lobby the U.S. Government for support of Montenegro's aspirations to join the EU and NATO.  The strong showing of protesters objected to any such support and appealed to the White House.

Following the peaceful demonstrations, Djukanovic met with elected officials and Albanians to discuss various issues confronting Albanian communities in Montenegro, specifically a “promise” he made to the U.S. Congress in 2005 – where he vowed to grant the region of Malësia a full and independent municipality within four years (2009).  During this meeting, Djukanovic “promised” that his government will support the “will” of Albanians in Malësia, and all they had to do was formally request their desire for the establishment of an independent municipality.

Prime Minister Djukanovic’s repeated “promises” on the matter of an independent municipality have no bearing in past or current negotiations between his government and the Albanian minority.  For the past 15 years the Albanian Community in Malësia has expressed its “will” by repeatedly requesting an independent municipality given this administrative region meets and exceeds all the economic, territorial and organizational requirements for a full and independent commune.  In the same vein, Djukanovic has made similar “promises” in the past while campaigning for re-election, and like the past has failed to honor each and every one.

Until these “promises” are kept, the Albanian Diaspora cannot support Montenegro’s bid for EU/NATO membership.  It is not in our best interest to support a government who repeatedly violates the most basic forms of minority rights to join a family of democratic institutions of Western Europe.  Furthermore, until such time that Albanians in Montenegro are afforded these rights, the Albanian Diaspora will continue lobbying members of U.S. Congress to review Montenegro’s minority rights policies and continue to communicate via protests our previous demands that the Montenegrin Government fully comply with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, including the Charter of Local Self-Government by means of granting the region of Malësia a full and comprehensive municipality with all the legitimate and administrative authority of a decentralized self-government.

Wherefore, we urge Prime Minister Djukanovic to recognize our following demands:

1. Initiate equal rights and prohibit discrimination with programs that incorporate all people regardless of social, economic, political, linguistic, religious, and/or ethnic background;
2. Implement policies and programs aimed at leveling the playing field for Albanians in pursuit of jobs, admission to universities, and even government contracts;
3. Encourage public institutions such as universities, hospitals and police forces to be more representative of the population. Employ Albanians as judges, police chiefs, and medical directors in areas where Albanians constitute a majority. This will ensure public trust, public confidence and equal representation.
4. Establish a Commune in Malësia and create policies to provide employment and long term welfare to Albanians at the municipal level. This would no doubt encourage social, economic, and political development, bring government closer to the people and embolden a minority group that has been disenfranchised for so many years.
5. Redistribute a fair proportion of the national wealth in areas where Albanians comprise a majority, such as 85% in Ulqin and 92% in Malësia. Reinvestment in these regions guarantees increased wealth, growth, development and public consumption. The returns on these investments can be invaluable.
6. Stop illegal state privatization of industries and businesses in the municipality of Ulqin, including renunciation of the Maritime Laws that allow for the unlawful seizure of land in Ulqin, which is grossly disproportionate other coastal regions in Montenegro.
7. Forfeit plans to confiscate private property in the town of Martinaj where the state plans to build an orthodox church amongst a population of 100% Muslim Albanians (Martinaj’s).
8. Encourage equity ownership, representation at both employee and management level, procurement to initiate Albanian-owned businesses and social investment programs, amongst others.
9. Create government-sponsored programs to educate the majority about the important contributions that Albanians bring to the country, including diversity, rich history, aptitude, and an unsurpassed work ethic – characteristics that can build a country and not break it apart.
10. Tear down state monopolies and encourage private ownership. Give back to Albanians those enterprises that were wrongfully taken away and given to corrupt government elites driven by personal gain instead of public service.

In lieu of these aforementioned rights, propagated by international human rights laws and organizations, Montenegro has opted to isolate the Albanian communities of Montenegro and discourage their growth and protection.

The Albanian-American Diaspora will not tolerate this behavior and vows to aggressively exploit Montenegro’s oppression and abusive tactics to all international institutions and policy makers in an effort to prove that Montenegro has no place in a democratic Europe until it affords its Albanian citizens basic human rights and stops its campaign of abuse, discrimination, intimidation and expulsion.

For more information, please contact the Albanian-American Association (“Shoqata Malësia e Madhe”) at (586) 530-0373.

# # #

Montenegro Albanians Demand Own Municipality

About a hundred ethnic Albanians staged a protest on April 6th in Tuz, near the capital, Podgorica, pressing demands for Tuz to become a separate municipality.

The protest was organised by Albanian opposition parties, the Democratic Forum for Integration and the Democratic Alliance.

They claim that the government has been "abusing and discriminating against" local Albanians in Tuz, where they form the majority community.

The protesters called on ethnic Albanian politicians to quit their positions in Montenegro's state institutions until Tuz is granted the status of a municipality.

"The state has done nothing for the decentralization of Montenegro and for 24 years has ignored the demands of the Albanian parties," Besnik Gjonaj, from the Democratic Forum for Integration, said.

Sunday's protest was held ahead of the visit of Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo  Djukanovic to the US, where some Albanian diaspora groups also announced a protest for April 8.

Some Albanians intend to protest in front of the US Congress against Prime Minister Djukanovic over what they call his "unfulfilled promises" regarding the status of Albanians in Montenegro.

The Montenegrin leader is to meet Vice-President Joseph Biden during the visit on April 8,  mainly to discuss Montenegro's ambitions to join NATO.

Montenegro is hoping for an invitation at the NATO Summit planned for Wales in the UK this autumn.

Montenegro: a fistful of democracy

KOČA PAVLOVIĆ 10 March 2014

Despite ostensibly being a Western Balkans success story, the tiny republic of Montenegro still suffers under the arcane rule of a Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, who legitimises violence against political opponents.

The interaction between political actors in Montenegro has always been colourful and, more often than not, emotionally charged. I have been a part of that political landscape for some years now. The opposition politicians and those representing the ruling coalition slice each other up with equal ferocity on the parliament floor, in their public speeches, on the pages of the daily papers or in postings on various web portals. A few decades ago, the sharp tongue of the current Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, had earned him the nickname “the Blade” (Britva). He has been in power since 1989, as both the country’s prime minister and as its president, and is currently serving his seventh prime ministerial term.

Over the last decade or so the opposition politician, Nebojša Medojević and his colleagues in the party he leads, the Movement for Changes (PZP), have been astute, harsh, and passionate critics of the policies enacted by the ruling coalition, and the country’s multi-term Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, in particular. The leader of the PZP and his party colleagues are by far the most vocal and persistent critics of the decades-long rule of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and its leader, Đukanović.

They frequently point to endemic corruption, gangster privatization, links between the ruling elite and organized crime, and the criminalization of Montenegrin society among other improprieties. Medojević and his colleagues attribute those problems plaguing the Montenegrin society to the flawed policies enacted by the ruling coalition and designed by Milo Đukanović. Lately, some of the new opposition players on the local political scene have also been critical of the ruling DPS and its leader in their parliamentary discussions.

There is nothing exceptional about this setup: the opposition politicians are vocal critics of the government, while the government and the prime minister try to downplay the criticism coming from the opposition parties. Frequent fiery exchanges of political left and right hooks between elected representatives are usually a sign of healthy parliamentary democracy.

But Montenegro does not function as a parliamentary democracy, let alone a healthy one. Its model of governing could be best described as a hybrid regime of a proto-democratic type, in which those tools we commonly associate with democratic system (strong parliament; free elections; efficient and independent judiciary, etc.) exist only to hide the reality of a highly centralised party state whose leadership displays considerable authoritarian tendencies. The leader of the DPS and the country’s Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, acts as alpha and omega of the local political space.

The current situation in the rapidly changing political landscape in Montenegro points to the change of the dynamics of the interaction between the ruling coalition and the opposition parties. As his grip on power weakens and the criticism of the DPS grows in scope and frequency, and as it becomes clear that the system he had created breeds only nepotism, kleptocracy, corruption, disregard for parliament, and violence directed against the critics, the prime minister responds to his critics in a more authoritarian manner than before.

Over the last year or so, his arguing with political opponents has been characterised by harsh words and insults hurled at opposition MPs. In his press conferences and during the question period, Milo Đukanović shouted at the opposition benches calling his critics rats, drug addicts, criminals and scoundrels, and calling for the “deratization” of Montenegrin politics. His wrath was directed mainly against the PZP and its MPs but he also castigated other opposition politicians.

Some months ago, during the question period, the prime minister called the MP for the Positive Montenegro party, Dritan Abazović, a scoundrel. More recently, after losing control of the municipal government in the coastal city of Ulcinj, he publically wagged his finger to the political representatives of the Albanian population in the region and threatened them. He referred to media critical of his politics and his authoritarian practice of governing as “monsters and Mafiosi” who desire his “physical elimination”. During the 2012 presidential election campaign, Milo Đukanović described the owner of the Vijesti daily as “the leader of non-organized crime whose ambitions are to become the country’s president”.

Some years earlier, in 2009, he called his critics “frustrated individuals and immature political creatures”. It is clear that the Prime Minister has, for some time, been displaying disdain and even hatred towards the institution of parliament, the MPs, free media, and towards any public and well founded criticism directed against his policies.

His critics have not only been on the receiving end of his sharp tongue but have also been victims of physical assaults by oligarchs and the so-called “strategic investment partners” of Mr. Đukanović and his DPS. A worrying trend emerges: Đukanović’s criticism is often followed by an assault on the opposition figure by either a hired thug or a “strategic investment partner of the government” and then, in the most extreme cases, by drive by shooting, or even assassination as in the cases of the newspaper editor, Duško Jovanović and the police inspector, Šćekić.

The latest victim of physical assault was the leader of the opposition PZP, Nebojša Medojević. He was attacked at the terminal at Belgrade airport by the now new owner of the bankrupt aluminum plant in Podgorica and a businessman with close ties to the ruling elite. The attacker admitted to insulting and hitting Medojević because he had to somehow “defend his honor and the honor of his family” against Medojević’s “unfounded accusations” about the lack of transparency in the case of the selling of the said aluminum plant.

While all political and non-governmental actors in Montenegro condemned this despicable act in no uncertain terms, Milo Đukanović chose to understate its severity and shift the blame to the opposition politician. In a speech delivered in Nikšić, one day after this attack occurred, Đukanović condemned violence in principle but said that when the system is not functioning properly people are forced to use tools from the treasure chest of the Montenegrin custom law in order to defend their honor. Those less knowledgeable about the recent history of Montenegro might think that the opposition parties and the PZP had created such a system, and that Đukanović and his DPS had nothing to do with it. Having in mind his history of disdain for the parliament and the institutions of the state, Đukanović’s latest performance confirms that the prime minister indeed hates everyone and everything he is unable to control.  

We have seen nothing new in this latest address by Đukanović. From the day his political career started in earnest in 1990s under the mentoring of Slobodan Milošević, he has governed in the same fashion: by spreading hate, supressing free expression, and supporting the use of “traditional forms of violence” against his critics. All along, he has assured us repeatedly that such methods are effective and appropriate when trying to save face and protect one’s honor and family.

Đukanović is the last person to call honor and dignity to his aid. He was the first and the only prime minister of Montenegro to ever be interrogated as a common criminal by the judiciary of a neighbouring state. It is also rather unwise of him to advocate the use of “traditional methods” in protecting one’s family and personal values because that could come back to haunt him, and he might end up paying dearly for it.

Since the prime minister advocates such manner of resolving arguments he should tell us who else (aside from him and his supporters) would have the right and be allowed to resort to such methods. Do all those citizens of Montenegro that were pushed into war and humiliated by his war mongering rhetoric and expansionist policies of 1990s have the right to employ methods of violence typical for the medieval custom law? Does that right apply to children, parents, spouses, and relatives of all those that Đukanović and his deputy Svetozar Marović, as well as the government controlled Pobjeda daily and the Montenegrin State Television (TVCG) dispatched to wage an aggressive war against our Croatian neighbours? How about all those whose property and family inheritance was stolen by his criminalized structure of power? Could, they swing their clenched fists at the back of his head? Could the family of the assassinated newspaper editor, Duško Jovanović have the right to resort to blood feud? How about the family of the assassinated police inspector, Šćekić? Do they also have the right to defend their honor and dignity by using “traditional methods”? Or, does Đukanović reserves this right only for those belonging to his inner circle?

During his speech in Nikšić, he was glowing because of the violence directed against his most significant political critic. He sounded and looked like a man who condones that kind of violence but never had the courage to himself commit such acts. That, indeed, is one of the lessons we had learned over the last twenty five years: it was always someone else who turned Đukanović’s political disagreements and public threats into acts of violence, drive-by-shootings, assassinations and beatings in dark alleyways. It was never him personally.

Since he entered politics, Milo Đukanović has been surrounded by bodyguards and criminals. That is the world in which even cowards could start advocating “traditional methods” of dealing with opponents and favour “custom law” as a mode of interaction. But once the security cordons disappear and their criminal protectors find themselves behind bars, all those newly minted advocates of custom law show their true face. It is the face of a coward from the beginning of the story. I am convinced that Montenegro will soon have a chance for that all-important face-off that has been long in the making.

The assault on Nebojša Medojević has upset many of our activists and party members, who are calling for an appropriate response. It is the president of the PZP who tries to calm the situation asking for patience and restraint. Đukanović’s condoning of violence during his speech in Nikšić only adds fuel to the already heated and tense situation as if he desires it to escalate.

In conclusion, I have to add that the most grotesque part of Đukanović’s speech was his criticism of those who hide behind the immunity! While being driven from Podgorica to Nikšić to deliver his celebratory oration on custom law and traditional methods of social interaction, Đukanović conveniently forgot that he spoke as the prime minister of Montenegro who not so long ago narrowly escaped a lengthy vacation in an Italian jail cell. He was able to do so only because he hid behind the prime ministerial immunity from prosecution, after being interrogated for over 6 hours about the organized crime charges by a prosecutor in Bari!

After listening to him speak in Nikšić, I have to admit to rethinking the validity of the previously dismissed thesis about Milo Đukanović supporting the political project of independent and sovereign Montenegro in order to protect himself from charges that he is “a serious criminal who is willing to destroy documentary evidence and eliminate witness” (a quote from the verdict by Italian court). It was laughable and said at the same time to listen to a politician who hid his criminal dossier behind the prime ministerial immunity, criticize others for allegedly hiding behind the MP immunity when criticizing the government and its kleptocrats.

Source:  openDemocracy:  http://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/ko%C4%8D-pavlovi%C4%87/montenegro-fistful-of-democracy?